Holmberg's Generalization. Blocking and push up

H. Broekhuis

Holmberg's Generalization. Blocking and push up

H. Broekhuis

Meertens Instituut - Variatielinguïstiek

Research output: Chapter in book/volume › Chapter › Scientific › peer-review

249 Downloads (Pure)

Abstract

Holmberg’s (1999) formulation of Holmberg’s Generalization states that Scandinavian object shift cannot cross any phonologically realized VP-internal material. This correctly predicts that object shift may not apply in, e.g., embedded clauses in Danish: since in these languages V-to-I applies in main clauses only, the main verb occupies a VP-internal position in embedded clauses, and object shift would therefore violate HG. Generally, this is considered the end of the story, but it is not as HG can in principle be satisfied in two ways: either the verb blocks object shift, or object shift pushes the verb up into the I-position. A full explanation therefore requires an answer to the question of why the latter option is not chosen in Danish.

Original language	English
Title of host publication	Advances in Comparative Germanic Syntax
Editors	A. Alexiadou, J. Hankamer, T. McFadden, J. Nuger, F Schäfer
Place of Publication	Amsterdam/Philadelphia
Publisher	John Benjamins Publishing
Pages	219-245
Number of pages	27
Volume	141
ISBN (Print)	9789027255242
Publication status	Published - 2009

Publication series

Name	Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

Access to Document

PDFFinal published version, 317 KB

Cite this

@inbook{8298804151af4fdba2bcb4dc064b8ec7,

title = "Holmberg's Generalization. Blocking and push up",

abstract = "Holmberg{\textquoteright}s (1999) formulation of Holmberg{\textquoteright}s Generalization states that Scandinavian object shift cannot cross any phonologically realized VP-internal material. This correctly predicts that object shift may not apply in, e.g., embedded clauses in Danish: since in these languages V-to-I applies in main clauses only, the main verb occupies a VP-internal position in embedded clauses, and object shift would therefore violate HG. Generally, this is considered the end of the story, but it is not as HG can in principle be satisfied in two ways: either the verb blocks object shift, or object shift pushes the verb up into the I-position. A full explanation therefore requires an answer to the question of why the latter option is not chosen in Danish.",

author = "H. Broekhuis",

note = "Reporting year: 2009",

year = "2009",

language = "English",

isbn = "9789027255242",

volume = "141",

series = "Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today",

publisher = "John Benjamins Publishing",

pages = "219--245",

editor = "A. Alexiadou and J. Hankamer and T. McFadden and J. Nuger and F Sch{\"a}fer",

booktitle = "Advances in Comparative Germanic Syntax",

address = "Netherlands",

}

Holmberg's Generalization. Blocking and push up. / Broekhuis, H.
Advances in Comparative Germanic Syntax. ed. / A. Alexiadou; J. Hankamer; T. McFadden; J. Nuger; F Schäfer. Vol. 141 Amsterdam/Philadelphia: John Benjamins Publishing, 2009. p. 219-245 (Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today).

Research output: Chapter in book/volume › Chapter › Scientific › peer-review

TY - CHAP

T1 - Holmberg's Generalization. Blocking and push up

AU - Broekhuis, H.

N1 - Reporting year: 2009

PY - 2009

Y1 - 2009

N2 - Holmberg’s (1999) formulation of Holmberg’s Generalization states that Scandinavian object shift cannot cross any phonologically realized VP-internal material. This correctly predicts that object shift may not apply in, e.g., embedded clauses in Danish: since in these languages V-to-I applies in main clauses only, the main verb occupies a VP-internal position in embedded clauses, and object shift would therefore violate HG. Generally, this is considered the end of the story, but it is not as HG can in principle be satisfied in two ways: either the verb blocks object shift, or object shift pushes the verb up into the I-position. A full explanation therefore requires an answer to the question of why the latter option is not chosen in Danish.

AB - Holmberg’s (1999) formulation of Holmberg’s Generalization states that Scandinavian object shift cannot cross any phonologically realized VP-internal material. This correctly predicts that object shift may not apply in, e.g., embedded clauses in Danish: since in these languages V-to-I applies in main clauses only, the main verb occupies a VP-internal position in embedded clauses, and object shift would therefore violate HG. Generally, this is considered the end of the story, but it is not as HG can in principle be satisfied in two ways: either the verb blocks object shift, or object shift pushes the verb up into the I-position. A full explanation therefore requires an answer to the question of why the latter option is not chosen in Danish.

M3 - Chapter

SN - 9789027255242

VL - 141

T3 - Linguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

SP - 219

EP - 245

BT - Advances in Comparative Germanic Syntax

A2 - Alexiadou, A.

A2 - Hankamer, J.

A2 - McFadden, T.

A2 - Nuger, J.

A2 - Schäfer, F

PB - John Benjamins Publishing

CY - Amsterdam/Philadelphia

ER -