Holmberg's Generalization. Blocking and push up

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Holmberg’s (1999) formulation of Holmberg’s Generalization states that Scandinavian object shift cannot cross any phonologically realized VP-internal material. This correctly predicts that object shift may not apply in, e.g., embedded clauses in Danish: since in these languages V-to-I applies in main clauses only, the main verb occupies a VP-internal position in embedded clauses, and object shift would therefore violate HG. Generally, this is considered the end of the story, but it is not as HG can in principle be satisfied in two ways: either the verb blocks object shift, or object shift pushes the verb up into the I-position. A full explanation therefore requires an answer to the question of why the latter option is not chosen in Danish.
Originele taal-2Engels
TitelAdvances in Comparative Germanic Syntax
RedacteurenA. Alexiadou, J. Hankamer, T. McFadden, J. Nuger, F Schäfer
Plaats van productieAmsterdam/Philadelphia
UitgeverijJohn Benjamins Publishing
Aantal pagina's27
ISBN van geprinte versie9789027255242
StatusGepubliceerd - 2009

Publicatie series

NaamLinguistik Aktuell/Linguistics Today

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